The study was approved by, and conducted in compliance with, the institutional review board at a large southeastern university. We also appreciate all the support from the https://www.kampunglucu.com/cuban-girls-a-summary/ in the program. An additional methodological limitation was that our comparison intervention also focused on HIV, rather than serving as a true placebo to guard against Hawthorne effects.
Latina women earn 46% less than white men and 31% less than white women, the worst gender wage gap for any group of minority women, according to 2019 data. Given small sample sizes, the results for Puerto Rican, Cuban, South American, and “other origin” Hispanic women are not statistically significant at a p value of 0.05. As Brazil and Spain are not disaggregated as Hispanic origin options in the Current Population Survey conducted by the U.S.
Though they faced critiques from “movement loyalists,” Chicana feminists worked to address social problems of employment discrimination, environmental racism, healthcare, sexual violence, and capitalist exploitation in their communities and in solidarity with the Third World. While there had previously been widespread repression of the non-masculine and non-heteronormative Chicana/o subject in the Chicano Movement, Chicana feminists critiqued Chicano patriarchal authority as a legacy of colonization, informed by a desire “to liberate her entire people”; not to oppress men, but to be equal partners in the Movement. Chicano or Chicana is a chosen identity for people of Mexican descent born in the United States. The identity is sometimes used interchangeably with Mexican-American, although the terms have different meanings. In the 1940s and 1950s, prior to the Chicano Movement, Chicano/a was widely used as a classist term of derision, although it had already been adopted by some pachucos as an expression of defiance to Anglo-American society.
English And Spanish Language Proficiency, Nativity, And Attributions About Addiction
When it comes to a population of individuals, the group may have some common characteristics, but each individual woman, her family, and her health care team can have a unique set of issues that affect the medical and surgical treatment of her breast cancer. It is possible that side effects related to appearance may be of particular concern for Latina women, as 75 percent say that looking their best is an important part of their culture, according to a Univision study on Latina attitudes and behaviors related to beauty. Delays in treatment or inadequate treatment could be due to language barriers, healthcare access, and cost, or to a bias on the part of the healthcare team. It is also possible that some Hispanic/Latina women might not seek care after being diagnosed with breast cancer. Another issue for Hispanic/Latina women is that they are less likely to receive appropriate and timely breast cancer treatment when compared to non-Hispanic white women.
That gap is greater than for black women, who earn 39% less than white men, according to an analysis of U.S. Census Bureau data, and greater than for Native American women, who earn 42% less than white men.
A study done in 2009 shows that there is not a significant difference between the attitudes or preferences towards the terms among young (18–25) and older individuals. Among the overall Hispanic population, young Hispanic prefer to identify themselves with their family’s country of origin. Yet, older Hispanics are more likely to identify as white than younger Hispanics.
An autosomal ancestry study performed on Mexico City reported that the European ancestry of Mexicans was 52% with the rest being Amerindian and a small African contribution, additionally maternal ancestry was analyzed, with 47% being of European origin. Unlike previous studies which only included Mexicans who self-identified as Mestizos, the only criteria for sample selection in this study was that the volunteers self-identified as Mexicans. Per the 2010 US Census, the majority (52.8%) of Mexican Americans identified as being White. The remainder identified themselves as being of “some other race” (39.5%), “two or more races” (5.0%), Native American (1.4%), black (0.9%), and Asian / Pacific Islander (0.4%). It is notable that only 5% of Mexican Americans reported being of two or more races despite the presumption of mestizaje among the Mexican population in Mexico.
Because these findings are based on a community-based sample of Latina women, future research is needed to investigate if these types of attributions persist among clinical samples of substance abusing or dependent Latina adults. Perhaps such attributions influence their treatment choice, therapy processes, and treatment outcomes? For instance, a potential congruence between less acculturated, substance abusing adult Latinas’ spiritually and disease model based beliefs and 12-step models may suggest that self-help group attendance could be a culturally congruent treatment component for less acculturated Latina women. The purpose of the current study was to examine whether attributions about addiction in a community-based sample of predominantly immigrant Latina women are associated with socioeconomic and cultural factors, as well as substance use frequency and type. First, a factor analysis indicated that the factor structure of the UAS-3AC items was explained by four underlying types of attributions about addiction.
Trainees observed demonstrations of each AMIGAS activity, participated in group discussions and role-playing activities, and practiced teaching activities to demonstrate their knowledge of the curriculum and to experience delivering the intervention in a group setting. Before developing the AMIGAS adaptation, we conducted 3 focus groups with ethnically and culturally diverse Latina women to explore the factors that increased their HIV risks. We collected ethnographic data on their beliefs related to gender and social norms and sexual communication, as well as their knowledge and misconceptions concerning HIV. Information obtained from the focus groups, Latina HIV prevention workers, community representatives, and a review of the literature highlighted the importance of making the intervention culturally congruent. We used a published adaptation framework (ADAPT-ITT)20 to guide a systematic process of selecting and then adapting SiSTA, an HIV risk reduction intervention for young African American women that is widely disseminated with CDC support,21 for use with Latina women.
The Hispanic growth rate over the April 1, 2000 to July 1, 2007, period was 28.7%—about four times the rate of the nation’s total population growth (at 7.2%). The growth rate from July 1, 2005, to July 1, 2006, alone was 3.4%—about three and a half times the rate of the nation’s total population growth (at 1.0%). Based on the 2010 census, Hispanics are now the largest minority group in 191 out of 366 metropolitan areas in the United States.
Despite newer migration trends, New York City continues to be home by a significant margin to the largest demographic and cultural center for Puerto Ricans in the United States, with Philadelphia having the second-largest community. The portmanteau “Nuyorican” refers to Puerto Ricans and their descendants in the New York City metropolitan area. A large portion of the Puerto Rican population in the United States resides in the Northeast and Florida, with Holyoke, Massachusetts and Buenaventura Lakes, Florida having the highest percentages of Puerto Rican residents of any municipalities in the country.
While some argue that Latinas arechoosing lower-paid professions, further education isn’t a panacea, as shown in Figure A. Regardless of their level of educational attainment or their occupation, Latinas are paid less than their white male counterparts. AdditionalEPI research on the Hispanic-white wage gapincludes analysis of immigrant status and country of origin. Looking at only full-time workers in a regression framework, Marie T. Mora and Alberto Dávila find that Latina workers are paid 67 percent on the white non-Hispanic male dollar . Accounting for immigrant status, the pay penalty improves slightly to 30 percent and is wider among first generation immigrants than second or third or higher generation .
For 1890, the Census Office changed the design of the population questionnaire. Residents were still listed individually, but a new questionnaire sheet was used for each family. Additionally, this was the first year that the census distinguished among different Asian ethnic groups, such as Japanese and Chinese, due to increased immigration.